Humanitarian Intervention Thesis

Humanitarian Intervention Thesis-81
This thesis examines the effectiveness of humanitarian intervention in the cases of NATO’s air campaign in Kosovo which lasted from March 24, 1999 – June 10, 1999, and NATO’s air campaign in Libya, which started on March 23, 2001 and continued to October 31, 2011.The challenges of each intervention were similar, with the victims of war in each case needing to feel secure in their homes, while at the same time requiring aid in areas suffering from extended periods of conflict.Power seeks to distill the core issue into the book’s epigraph.

This thesis examines the effectiveness of humanitarian intervention in the cases of NATO’s air campaign in Kosovo which lasted from March 24, 1999 – June 10, 1999, and NATO’s air campaign in Libya, which started on March 23, 2001 and continued to October 31, 2011.The challenges of each intervention were similar, with the victims of war in each case needing to feel secure in their homes, while at the same time requiring aid in areas suffering from extended periods of conflict.Power seeks to distill the core issue into the book’s epigraph.

He does not say that they are morally required to intervene.

How, then, does the proponent of humanitarian interventions move from “may” to “ought”?

The “humanitarian” qualifier refers to an intervention by a foreign state (or states) to end massive human rights violations arising from war or internecine strife.

A closely related notion in the parlance of the United Nations is the “responsibility to protect” (R2P), the execution of which may involve UN troops.

There is an implied or metaphorical contract between the governors and the governed, usually (though not always) based on a shared history and language.

But when governors broadly violate the rights of the governed, the contract no longer binds, and if the governed face massacre or enslavement, other states may intervene to protect them.[3] Notice that Walzer asserts that other states intervene to stop a massacre or enslavement.

It would be less problematic for the United States to participate in humanitarian military interventions as part of multinational coalitions, but our nation should not universally or routinely lead such coalitions.

Furthermore, to show its commitment to international human rights, the United States should adopt policies such as promoting religious liberty abroad that would offset or counteract those factors that seem most responsible for massive human rights violations.

Despite scholarly engagement across different disciplines, several matters in these discussions are often overlooked or slighted.

Focusing on those matters yields a more accurate assessment of what the United States can accomplish and whether it should feel obliged to assume a special burden as “the great protector” in the community of nations.

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